The Problem with Health Care relating to Neoliberalism in Belize

Neoliberalism in Belize has become a rising issue within the country. Many people are blaming the rise in the economic gap between the rich and the poor in Belize due to the rise in the adoption of neoliberal economic policies. This proposition, however, does not have much evidence to support it. It seems that much of this criticism is coming from outside communist sources, such as Cuba, as a way to try to steer the country away from democracy (Harrison, 2014). Also, it is important to note that those who do accuse Belize of being neoliberal claim it takes on its own form of neoliberalism rather than the classic concept of neoliberalism ("Where are we, Belize ", 20 Aug 2013). If you take a look at some of the economic policies Belize has implemented in the last 30 years you can see that Belize generally does not follow one specific method of economics but rather implements policies from various schools of thought. In this blog post I would like to analyze some of these policies and form a conclusion on whether or not Belize could in fact be considered a neoliberal country. I would also like to mainly focus on the state of health care in Belize relating to neoliberalism and why it is a present problem in Belize.

                In order to understand the current state of Belize it is good to know a little background about Belize. Belize is unique in that it was the only British occupied nation in central America and therefore they speak mainly English compared to Spanish like most of the Latin American countries.  In 1981 Belize gained full independence from Britain, so very recently. Due to the short time Belize has been its own country,  almost  all of the past government that Britain implemented during the colonial time still exists today in Belize. Much of the government in Belize today is just an extension of the previous British government and the British policies. The type of government that exists in Belize today is a Westminster form of government. This is a parliamentary form of government or legislative form of government, and it is considered a democracy. The current government in place today is called the government of Belize or the GOB. This is the government that is responsible for the policies that are going to be discussed in this blog post.

                As stated before much of the policies that are in place in Belize today come from the previous British government. During the colonial period the British government provided mostly free health care to the people of Belize. With that being said, the care they provided was very bad to say the least (Curran & Uzwiak, 2010, pg 32). Since Belize gained independence in 1981 it has been working to improve the state of healthcare through implementation of new policies. Typical neoliberal policy would call for the privatization of health services in a free market. Belize, however, has done almost the complete opposite. Since 1981 they have implemented many policies that increase government ran health services and increased government health services infrastructure. Belize created the MOH or the Ministry of Health as the primary provider and overseer of health services in Belize. The MOH then created the NHI or National Health Insurance which was Belize's biggest attempt to better health care in Belize. With the NHI, all citizens of Belize are able to receive free to little to no cost health care through such things as polyclinics which will be discussed shortly. The other policy implemented in Belize which gained international praise from other countries in Latin America was the implementation of BHI or Belize Health Information. This is a software program that is able to do many things such as track patient history, provides diagnosis and solutions for patients, and track prescription supplies. The software allows people to travel anywhere in the country and the doctor can just look up their history in the software. The software also has an easy learning curve which makes it easy to implement. Although Belize has gained national praise for the implementation of the BHI system the healthcare status in Belize is still very poor. The polyclinics offered in Belize are very crowded and the service people receive there is no good. The staff often does not know what they are doing and are ill-equipped and they often provide the same medicine for everything. People often tend to just not go to the polyclinics because of these reasons (Reeser, 2014, pg 3-5). Other options are to go to the private sector. However, there are very few private practices because people cannot afford them even though the service there is considered to be better than the polyclinics.

The next option is the pharmacy. People also respect the pharmacy better than the polyclinics because they have a wider variety of drugs. Patients will usually just tell the pharmacy what they are experiencing and the pharmacist will give them whatever drug they think is best. This option is also a last resort though because many people cannot afford this as well. Next we have NGOs or non government organizations. This is exactly what it sounds like, however, the MOH is very hesitant to permit any NGOs in Belize because they will not comply with the BHI and register data into it. The second to last option for health care in Belize is medical missionaries. The most famous medical missionary  in Belize is the Hillside Clinic. This clinic is a faith based clinic run by U.S. doctors and U.S. students. Generally the staff will work there between one to two years and then rotate out. The Hillside clinic is well respected in the area and they even have a mobile service that drives around and does checkups on people and delivers their prescription.  The final option people may use to receive treatment is herbal or traditional healers. People in Belize often call this practice bush medicine and the techniques usually require herbs for healing and the rituals have been passed down from generation to generation. Surprising enough this option is used often because of the crowdedness of the polyclinics and is mainly used by indigenous peoples. So as you can see the healthcare system in Belize has received international attention for its implementation of the BHI software to track patient records across the country. However, nothing in the healthcare policy of Belize suggests that it is neoliberal. In fact, it is quite the opposite. It is also important to note that although the government has dumped a lot of money into health care only a few major cities in Belize have seen a change in quality. Many people do not have the means to leave the their city in order to travel to a large city and receive somewhat decent healthcare so they are left to improvise and use one of the methods stated above.

                Now I would like the look at a few other areas in Belize that may suggest whether it is shifting towards neoliberalism or not. Policies that do point to Belize shifting towards neoliberalism are the privatization of environmental and ecological duties to third party NGOs. This, however, is a very minimal practice and does not have much effect on the gap between the rich and the poor. One of the big neoliberal factors, however, is the use of the IMF & World bank to fund new forms of agriculture. Sugar was the biggest product of Belize and in the 80s sugar was not popular anymore so the IMF and world bank funded third parties to come into Belize and excavate new farming grounds. This is one of the biggest proponents in the idea that Belize has shifted towards neoliberalism. On the other hand though you have the nationalization of many companies in Belize, one of them being the sole provider of electricity in Belize. Other companies such as telephone companies and corporate consulting companies have been privatized in the last 5 years. Finally, we have the implementation of increased government intervention in the healthcare sector of Belize which is perhaps the biggest proponent to display that Belize is in fact not a neoliberal country.

                So based on the policies discussed it is safe to say that Belize is not shifting towards neoliberalism. It is true that they have adopted some neoliberal policies but they also have adopted many non neoliberal policies such as the nationalization of companies and the healthcare policy. In conclusion, it Belize does not follow one specific form of economic philosophy but seems to adopt many ideas from many schools of thought.

               

Works Cited

Text

Curran, Siobhan and Uzwiak, Beth. 2010, "Telling it Straight: Community Narratives and Primary Health Care in Cayo, Belzie." Siobhan Curran and Beth Uzwiak.                 https://elizabethannparks.files.wordpress.com/2013/06/belizedocsample.pdf

Harrison, Richard S. 2014. "The Fallacy of Neo-Liberal Economic Philosophy in Belize." Breaking Belize      News. http://www.breakingbelizenews.com/2014/08/28/fallacy-neo-liberal-economic-             philosophy-belize/

Reeser, Douglas Carl. January 2014. "Medical Pluralism in a Neoliberal State: Health and Deservingness in Southern Belize." University of South Florida Scholar Commons.    http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=6491&context=etd

"Where are we, Belize." 20 Aug, 2013. Amandala Newspaper. http://amandala.com.bz/news/we-belize/

Photos

Belize.com. Nov 2014. "Belize Pharmacies and Medical Services." Belize.com Ltd.              http://www.belize.com/pharmacy

Worldatlas. 2016. "Large Belize Map - Map of Belize, Belize Map." ­worldatlas.com.                 http://www.worldatlas.com/webimage/countrys/namerica/camerica/lgcolor/bzcolor.htm

The social consequences derived from the changing relationship between the Catholic Church and the First People in Trinidad and Tobago

By: Madison Bailey

The idea that indigenous people of Caribbean countries and Latin America no longer exist is a common misconception that has evolved throughout time from the interaction of outside involvement. This misconception has caused countries such as Trinidad and Tobago, to sweep problems under the rug and disregard matters associated with the indigenous population. The arrival of the Catholic Church in Trinidad and Tobago had an extreme impact on the native Amerindians. This ongoing relationship has introduced many social consequences which have continued to present day.

Trinidad and Tobago, officially the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago, is a twin island country off the northern coast of Venezuela in South America. Native, indigenous humans have occupied and passed through this area for over seven thousand years beginning with the Saladoids, the first ceramic-using people in the Caribbean (Indigenous Peoples). Fast forward to 250 AD to where the Barrancoid people settled in Trinidad. This culture was called Guayabitoid and was replaced by the Mayoids in 1300 (Caribs). The Mayoids were commonly known as the Arawaks and the Caribs (Caribs). These two groups were present during the time of European arrival and colonization. 

In 1498, Christopher Columbus discovered Trinidad, the larger island of the two, and claimed it as Spain’s own. However, Trinidad remained untouched by European settlers until Spain’s first settlement one hundred years later. Meanwhile, the Spanish, British, and Dutch fought over Tobago, switching possessions over thirty one times. In turn, the Catholic Church has been present on these islands since the fifteenth century. The Catholic Church had prominent political and social power within European colonies. The first missionaries were sent by the Spanish Archbishop Louis Gonin from the Dominican, which was controlled by Spain at this time. The first Catholic Church in Trinidad, built in 1781, was a wooden structure located at the Port-of-Spain at a spot which was once known as Tamarind Square. As the population of colonies in Trinidad grew, more land was needed for construction and plantations. Much of this land was still being occupied by the Arawaks and the Caribs. 

At first, the peaceful, indigenous natives welcomed the colonizers but they soon came into conflict. The Arawaks and Caribs’ way of life butted heads with the Spanish, as well as the British and French. The religion of the natives was based on their respectful interaction with nature. They held rituals for almost everything, such as child birth, planting and gathering crops, hunting, and marriage. They burned herbs to create sacred smoke. They worshipped the Great Spirit, their main, unseen God. These people also worshipped hundreds of minor spirits which could be distinguished by acts of nature. Catholic Europeans viewed these religions as barbaric and saw this as an opportunity for the conversion of the natives to Christianity. The Arawaks and Caribs did not comply and resisted Europeans to preserve their culture and protect their land (Crosson). Settlement in Trinidad and Tobago then proved to be very difficult for the Spanish and they began a mass annihilation of the indigenous population. This was the beginning of the long road of conflict between Christian Europeans and the native people of Trinidad and Tobago.

Statue of Hyarima https://www.flickr.com/photos/rpmann/7311283580

In order to protect their sacred land from being transformed into towns, many indigenous tribes created self sufficient communities with their own militia. One influential religious leader of the Amerindians who fought for recognition  and the conservation of his tribe was a man named Hyarima. Hyarima was born around the beginning of the seventeenth century into the tribe of Araucan. As a successful military leader, he was able to unite Amerindian tribes against the Dutch, British, and most of all the Spanish. His experience with harsh enslavement caused his hatred towards the Spanish and the Catholic Church. Hyarima led many attacks against European towns such as 

St. Thomas, which experienced devastating losses. He was respected and feared by many while he resided at his base in Arima. The city of Arima was known for Amerindian resistance against Spanish control. Today, statues of Hyarima can be found in Arima, honoring his successful actions to preserve the Amerindian culture. 

By 1700, the number of native Trinidadians had dropped to approximately 1,200 in comparison to the 40,000 natives before European colonization ("Caribs, Arawaks, the Original Trinidadians”). Europeans were able to utilize the Catholic Church in order to keep control over remaining indigenous groups through the ecomienda system ( "Caribs, Arawaks, the Original Trinidadians”). This was a form of slavery where Amerindians were forced to work for the Spanish and in return they would receive protection and conversion to Christianity. These survivors were organized into missions. Although, it seemed as though the Catholic Church was protecting and giving freedom to the Amerindians, the reality was that they were still superior compared to the rest of the population. It was common for a mission to be transferred to another area for the construction of buildings, churches, and schools. The oldest, organized indigenous mission which still exists today, is the Santa Rosa Carib Community located in Arima, Trinidad (Watts). This community holds half of Trinidad and Tobago’s indigenous population. Here the people practice hunting, house building, horticulture, cassava processing, and obtain herbal knowledge (Indigenous Peoples).

The vast power of the Catholic Church allowed them to conceal the culture of indigenous minorities in a way to make them seem almost extinct. The hefty funds of the Catholic Church made festivities apparent in the public eye. Catholic schools, large churches, and Catholic parishes were affordable unlike other religions. Catholics looked down upon Amerindians because they were not affiliated with the Church. These factors constructed a social hierarchy where Amerindians were placed at the bottom. 

Despite their furious attempts to gain equality and recognition, indigenous people of Trinidad and Tobago, as well as other Latin American and Caribbean countries, still are largely ignored and overpowered. However, their voices are slowly being heard and steps toward social equality can be seen. Santa Rosa Carib Community officially gained recognition by the state as being an indigenous community in May of 1990.

Celebrating the indigenous culture at the annual Santa Rosa Festival in Arima (Newsday).

An Amerindian Heritage Day was created in 2000. Additionally, the Caribbean Organization of Indigenous Peoples (COIP) was founded in 1987. The goal of this organization is to encourage cultural revival, attract media attention, identify indigenous heroes, allow regional exchange, and promote educational and training opportunities for indigenous people throughout the Caribbean. Trinidad and Tobago joined the Caribbean Organization of Indigenous Peoples in 1993. COIP even released a newsletter titled Indigi-Notes. In 2006, an Amerindian Project Committee was made to advise Trinidad and Tobago’s government on matters involving indigenous communities. Santa Rosa Church is also making efforts to bring light to these issues. Monsignor Christian Perreira, parish priest of the Santa Rosa Church, admitted that there was much more ‘healing’ to take place between the First Peoples and the Church:

“‘This relationship still has to be fleshed out,’ he said. ‘The apology and intention are there, the atonement is there and while in very many ways the First Peoples have accepted that atonement, there is still the healing to come.’ Fr Perreira added that the country’s oldest feast, The Feast of Santa Rosa, which is shared by the Church and the Carib community, has sought to bridge the divide for the past 220 years.” (Trinidad and Tobago’s Newsday)

The presence of indigeneity in Trinidad and Tobago has contributed to this country’s cultural makeup and history. The clashing of ideas of Catholicism verses those of Amerindian natives began with European colonization and still continues today by society’s neglect of acknowledgement toward this group of people. The Catholic Church’s suppressing actions tested the cultural and religious strength of the First People in Trinidad and Tobago. Their survivors represent the resilience and determination of keeping old traditions alive.

References

"Caribs, Arawaks, the Original Trinidadians." Caribs, Arawaks, the Original Trinidadians. Web. 22 Apr. 2016. http://www.amazing-trinidad-vacations.com/caribs.html 

Crosson, J. B. "Own People: Race, "Altered Solidarities," and the Limits of Culture in Trinidad." Small Axe: A Caribbean Journal of Criticism 18.3 45 (2014): 18-34. Web. 22 Apr. 2016.

"Indigenous Peoples in Trinidad and Tobago." Trinidad and Tobago. 2007. Web. 22 Apr. 2016.  

http://www.iwgia.org/regions/latin-america/trinidad-and-tobago

Herskovits, Melville J., and Frances S. Herskovits. Trinidad Village. New York: A.A. Knopf, 1947. Print.

"Religion and Politics in Trinidad and Tobago." Academia.edu. Web. 22 Apr. 2016.

http://www.academia.edu/7427346/Religion_and_Politics_in_Trinidad_and_Tobago

"Trinidad and Tobago's Newsday : Newsday.co.tt :." Trinidad and Tobago's Newsday : Newsday.co.tt :. Web. 23 Apr. 2016. <http://newsday.co.tt/news/0,46030.html>.

"Trinidad and Tobago." U.S. Department of State. U.S. Department of State. Web. 22 Apr. 2016. http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/irf/2006/71476.htm

http://www.iwgia.org/images/stories/sections/regions/latin-america/documents/IW2007/trinidad-tobago_iw_2007.pdf

Watts, David. "Trinidad and Tobago." Encyclopedia Britannica Online. Encyclopedia Britannica. Web. 22 Apr. 2016. http://www.britannica.com/place/Trinidad-and-Tobago

Racial Inequality In Cuba: The Past, Present, and Future

Racial Inequality In Cuba: The Past, Present, and Future

          If one were to look at a graphical interpretation of racism and racial inequality in Cuba, from its conception to the modern day, they would see a trend symbolic of a roller coaster. Throughout its lifespan, racial inequality in Cuba can be generally characterized  by its numerous ups and downs; a vicious cycle of progression followed by regression. This tumultuous social phenomenon can be attributed to the equally tumultuous political career Cuba has gone through. In contemporary Cuban society today, racism still persists and has yet to be resolved however, it is at least being addressed which is a monumental step forward. In recent years, it has become such a pressing topic that Barack Obama even made a trip to Havana to speak on the topic, a topic that had long been suppressed and ignored. But to understand how race relations have evolved in contemporary Cuba, it is paramount to first examine Cuba’s history and the causation for this racial imbalance.

          In a similar fashion to the United States, racism in Cuba began with slavery. During the 17th and 18th century, Cuba saw a huge influx of slave labor due to increased demand for sugar production (Sierra, 2005). Estimates on the approximate number of slaves exported to Cuba during this time drastically vary; while according to Voyages: The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database, the number could be as high as 900,000, more conservative estimates proclaim between 300,000-500,000. Either way, the impact of slave labor was profound seeing as sugar production in Cuba more than doubled between 1795-1805 from 14,000 tons a year to 34,000 tons (Sierra, 2005).

          However, at this time slaves were not viewed as lesser people. Whites and blacks were in-fact unified in their shared desire for independence from their ruling empire, Spain. The Spaniards, fearing that the white Cuban elite would sympathize with the majority populace of black slaves, then engaged in an aggressive propaganda campaign that promoted racial myths in order to disparage the black community. “The [black] threat to whites was embodied in … specific stereotypical ideas that defined Afro-Cubans to white society. These images emerged subtly and blatantly in government documents and rhetoric, art, theater and music, newspaper stories and editorials, idle chat and academic discussions.” (Sierra, 2005). This slanderous agenda unfortunately proved rather effective and was one of the biggest tools implemented by the Spanish empire to cease rebellion efforts and gain the whites’ support such as in the “Ten Year War” that lasted from 1868-1878. As time went on, racism grew as white Cubans began to believe the racist Spanish rhetoric that blacks were rapists, murders, criminals, degenerates, and would come back to kill them (race war) if given independence. 

          These racist beliefs continued even after the abolition of slavery in 1886. The exaggerated myths once propagated by the Spanish empire persisted and racial tensions grew. However, former rebel leaders and socially progressive thinkers such as Antonio Maceo, Jose Marti, and Juan Gualberto Gómez, came together to develop a “liberation project” which entailed creating a new Cuban ideology from which racial harmony could succeed (Morales Dominguez, 2013; Sierra, 2005). Thus leading into the “War of Independence” in 1895, expectation of separation from Spain leading to autonomy gave hope to racial equality. 

          However, the benefits afrocubans wished to seize from the war independence proved fruitless after the US intervention in 1898. Though Cuba technically gained independence from Spain, it was immediately “recaptured” by the US. Essentially, Cuba exchanged one ruling empire for another. Ironically, Cuba became controlled by a country whose history of slavery and mistreatment of blacks is arguably more prevalent than in any other nation. In 1902 the US departed Cuba and the Cuban flag was finally allowed to be raised over Havana (“AfroCuban History”, 1997). However, in its wake, the US left Cuba with a president (Tomas Estrada Palma) that they installed and did very little to improve conditions in Cuba and robbed AfroCubans of their dignity by stealing their chance of gaining a self-sustained independence. “Since Cuban blacks and mestizos had no other source of inspiration but the liberation project led by Marti, Gomez, and Maceo, they saw their expectations smashed to pieces” (Morales Dominguez, p. 30, 2013). Racial discrimination even saw an increase with the American intervention due to the fact the United States was itself a racist nation. Now even the wealthy “criollo” people were targets of racial discrimination because they were not considered to pure white descent by the US’s standards. 

     
        Over the next decade, Cuba became a neocolonial “pet project” of the United States. From the American perspective, there was too much mixed blood in Cuba for it to be officially recognized and respected. In lieu of this ideology, the United States implemented programs of “whitening” — regionally known as Blanceamiento —by immigrating masses of white Europeans into the region. This effort was in hopes that interracial unions would take place, producing lighter skinned offspring. It was only then, the United States believed, that Cuba could join with the rest of the “civilized nations” (Morales Dominguez, p. 31, 2013). This ultimately set a precedent in Cuban culture that, simply put, viewed whites as being superior to blacks and that those who possessed lighter features had a better chance of attaining upward mobility. 

          Racial inequality in Cuba would persist for the next five decades. A huge factor was Fulgencio Batista’s coming to power of Cuba in the 1930’s. Batista’s regime vehemently opposed racial equality and his rise to power was fueled by American interest. Prior to Batista’s rule, the United States had denounced any attempt to establish a socially equal Cuba, so it became almost a slap in the face to the AfroCuban community when the US officially recognized the racist Batista government. However, the marginalized colored community of Cuba would soon see their best chance of racial equality in the last century.

          Fidel Castro overthrew the Batista Regime at the end of violent five-and-a-half-year Cuban Revolution in 1959 (“AfroCuban History”, 1997). Castro was viewed by AfroCuban community as a voice of the people and this was solidified by his vow to end racial discrimination and inequality. At a labor union rally in Havana, Castro gave a speech to a mass of Cubans in which he was quoted as saying: ““One of the most just battles that must be fought, a battle that must be emphasized more and more, which I might call the fourth battle—the battle to end racial discrimination at work centers. I repeat: the battle to end racial discrimination at work centers. Of all the forms of racial discrimination the worst is the one that limits the colored Cuban's access to jobs.“ (“Castro Speech,” 2015). 

          For the most part, Castro did follow through with his vows. He implemented anti-discrimination laws and placed a large emphasis on improving literacy of the poor. His campaign included a multitude of benefits for the black community: land reform, elimination of housing discrimination, lowered rents, allowing blacks to join labor unions, more employment opportunities —all worked towards prescribing pride and status in the colored community (Sawyer, p. 57, 2006). These strides taken by Castro were not limited to institutional discrimination however. Social inequality was also improved as a result of these changes. For example public spaces such as parks and beaches no longer prohibited blacks. This allowed all people, despite class and color, to integrate which dulled racial segregation. In Castro’s eyes, such progression had been made that only a few years he declared that racial inequality had been eradicated and that Cuba had become a racial democracy. 

          But as the common expression goes: what goes up must come down. For the next three decades after the Revolution, race relations in Cuba plateaued then hit a sharp decline following a massive economic crisis stemming from the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1990’s — referred to in Cuba as the “Special Period in Time of Peace” (De la Fuente, p. 30, 2011). Though notions of racial inequality tried to brought to light prior to this period, those voices were often silenced and views of “enemies of the state” (Colville, 2015). “It used to be a truism that race constituted a ‘non-topic’ in Cuban Studies, a taboo issue surrounded by patriotic silence. During the first three decades of socialism, only a handful of studies on race were published in the island, most of them to celebrate the achievements of the revolution.” (De la Fuente, p. 30, 2011). Since Castro declared an end to racial inequality, anyone that said otherwise was seen as a heretic. This “patriotic silence” is a huge part of why Cuba has been reluctant to address racial inequality in contemporary Cuba. 

          The economic crisis of the 1990’s then, could be viewed as a double edged sword. Yes, it did increase racial inequality but the devastation it caused was so obvious and widespread that the issue of race and color could no longer be ignored or hidden. Thats not to say that blacks did not suffer tremendously however. The “Special Period” gave birth to a new Cuban economy that relied heavily on tourism and service sectors. The management of these businesses favored hiring whites for their more attractive appearance and status which would appeal to tourists (Colville, 2015). 

          The problem of race in the 1990’s is still seen today. “The few public and reliable statistics available in Cuba show that, today, black people live in the country’s worst houses, receive less remittances and hard currency, are less active in the country’s emergent economy, have lower university enrollment indexes and tend to be employed in the worst-paying jobs available.” (Ravsberg, 2013). In addition, the populations of Cuba’s prisons and shantytowns are comprised of mainly blacks.  But as was mentioned earlier, the glaring issue of race brought about in the 1990’s also brought with it interest in solving and eradicating it. This led to a mass movement of intellectuals, musicians, poets, and other visual artists to fight back against racist ideals and to put pressure on the Cuban government to solve Cuba’s persistent issue of race and color. 

          This also led to more powerful organizations dedicated to correcting the imbalance of race in Cuba. “Community and civic organizations such as Cofradia de la Negritud, the Comite de Integracion Racial ‘Juan Gualberto Gomez’, and later, the Comite Ciudano por la Integracion Racial, approached government authorities to make concrete claims for egalitarian policies in employment and education while demanding greater visibility for black public and historical figures in the media.” (De la Fuente, p.30-31). These organizations are crucial to Cuba’s long struggle to rectify social injustices. Sadly, many Cubans believe that the revolution hasn't even begun. Many cannot attain upward mobility and live in deplorable living conditions. As well, it is very difficult for blacks to receive remittances —  a huge source of income for black cubans —because most of the exiled Cubans working in foreign countries are white and go to back to white Cubans (Zurbano, 2013). 

          The Issue of Race and Color in Cuba has become so pressing that Barack Obama visited Havana to talk on the subject. The US President’s visit was bittersweet: It empowered the black community to see a man of color in such a powerful position, but it also reminded them that their government does not reflect their demographics (Cave, 2016). While the issue of race and color still persists in Cuba today, it has come a long way in positioning the society for greater advances. Public awareness appears to be the biggest weapon. For the longest time the topic of racism was subdued by the government and the nation as a whole was either too scared and/or ignorant to deal with it. In addition, many Cubans believe that the education of the youth on the history of Cuba is paramount to its racial unity. As of now, children are not taught about Cuba’s hardship with slavery and thus cannot understand the current racial turmoil they are in now. Public awareness, political activism, community and civic organizations, and education of youth are all poised to create a more racially equal Cuba. It is just a matter of unifying and demanding change. 

References

2013. “AfroCuban History: a Time Line 1492 to 1900”. afrocubaweb.com. Retrieved on April 23, 2016 from (http://www.afrocubaweb.com/history/History.htm.)

2013. “AfroCuban History: a Time Line 1900 - the present”. afrocubaweb.com. Retrieved on April 23, 2016 from (http://www.afrocubaweb.com/history/History2.htm)

Castro, Fidel. 1959. “No Hope For Counterrevolution”. Retrieved on April 23, 2016 from (http://www1.lanic.utexas.edu/project/castro/db/1959/19590323.html).

Cave, Damien. 2016. “Cuba Says It Has Solved Racism. Obama Isn’t So Sure.” NYtimes.com March 23. Retrieved on April 22, 2016 from (http://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/24/world/americas/obamaurges-raised-voices-incubas-husheddiscussions-ofrace.html?_r=0)

Colville, Waverly. 2015. “Harvard professor presents about racial democracy in Cuba”. themaneater.com Feb 7. Retrieved on April 23, 2016 from (http://www.themaneater.com/stories/2015/2/7/harvard-professor-presents-about-racial-democracy-/)

De la Fuente, Alejandro. 2011. “Race and Income Inequality in Contemporary Cuba”. NACLA Report On The Americas. 44: 4 (July/August): 30-43.

Sawyer, Mark Q. 2006. Racial Politics in Post-Revolutionary Cuba. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 

Sierra A, Jerry. 2005. 500 Years of Cuban History April 30. Retrieved on April 23, 2016 from (http://www.historyofcuba.com/cuba.htm)

Morales Domínguez, Esteban and August H. Nimitz and Gary Prevost. 2013. Race in Cuba : Essays on the Revolution and Racial Inequality. New York : Monthly Review Press. http://nuncio.cofc.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=nlebk&AN=572788&site=eds-live&scope=site. (April 22, 2016)

Ravsburg, Fernando. 2013. “Cuba’s Pending Racial Debate”. Havanatimes.org April 23. Retrieved on April 23, 2016 from (http://www.havanatimes.org/?p=91836.)

Zurbano , Roberto. 2013. “For Blacks in Cuba, The Revolution Hasn’t Begun.” NY Times.com March 23. Retrieved on April 22, 2016 from (http://www.nytimes.com/2013/03/24/opinion/sunday/for-blacks-in-cuba-the-revolution-hasnt-begun.html)

Slaves Image
http://www.casahistoria.net/slavery.htm

Fidel Castro Image
http://science-all.com/files/fidel-castro.html

The encroachment of mining on Amerindian land

To understand the Guyana’s Amerindian mining problem you have to put the problem into context and understand the history. The British colonial rule In Guyana was one that neglected the land and only was thought of to have natural resources. The gold mining enterprises that were established in the 20^th and 19^th century kept bringing investors to Guyana. The gold mines only brought low paying jobs and some weak contracts that did not benefit the Amerindians. The little health care and education for the Amerindians was left up to Christian missionaries. 

The Amerindian Protection Ordinance of 1902, provided indigenous people with the right to use the fruits of the lands, but denied rights to the underground mineral wealth (Minority Rights) while another wave of regulations in 1903 and 1905 introduced that even though the Amerindians did not have sub surface rights, the their land was legally theirs. The 1978 Amerindian Act allowed for titling of land to both individuals and communities, but in practice little was carried out. The Amerindian Peoples Association and the North-South Institute have been the main leaders in the push for Amerindian land titles and recognition by the government. Most indigenous communities in the interior remained unaware of the availability or the need for land titling and logging, and mining continued. “The last years, there has been a huge increase in licenses for mining activities from 200,000 acres to 2 million.”(Vereecke 1994) This is becoming a problem and the only way to solve it is by informing the Amerindians of what is happening to their land. 

         

The Guyanese government has failed to control and regulate the encroachment of the mining companies on Amerindian land. Government agencies such as the Guyana Forestry Commission and the Guyana Geology and Mines Commission are unfamiliar with laws put in place to protect land titles.(Bulkan 2016 pg.372) Both of these government agencies have continuously given permits to mining companies that overlap with Amerindian land. The government doesn’t seem willing to give the effort to change these violations. Without NGOs like the Amerindian Peoples Association pushing for these laws and regulations, it would be hard for Amerindian people to have a voice. The government elite are taking advantage of the Amerindians by giving permits to mining companies on Amerindian land. 

In 2003 a fourteen-member Parliamentary Select Committee make recommendations for the revision of the 1978 Amerindian Act. Among other things this lead to the formation of the National Amerindian Council, which is an umbrella-organization that brings together representatives of NGOs such as Amerindian Peoples association and other regionally-based Amerindian organizations. The formation of the National Amerindian Council was big step in improving communications and developing representation with the Guyana government and Mining companies. Some of the topics introduced were the inadequacy of land, resource rights and the use of the term ‘Amerindian' rather than ‘indigenous'. The three largest NGO in the organization, APA, the Amerindian Action Movement of Guyana, and the Guyana organization of Indigenous People want the 1978 Amerindian removed entirely because of its lack of impact. The new Amerindian Act was passed in Parliament and signed by the president in March 2006. The Amerindian Act should be amended to stop mining of natural resources on the land occupied by Amerindian people that didn’t give consent and the Amerindian should be allowed to supervise mining operation so they can stop the mining if its on their land. Amerindians land make up about 13% of Guyana which is on top of a lot of valuable natural resources that mining companies are after. Even with new Amerindian Act village leaders still lack the power to control the Mining operations that are taking place in and around their villages. They are also unable to affect the activities of miners and loggers either in the mining of resources or which they remove young Amerindian men and women to the unfamiliar cultural environment of the coastland where they risk of being involved in illegal activities. Many mining companies such as Golden Star Resources, Cathedral Mining, and Guyana Goldfields still have large-scale operations within the Amerindian land titles. 

Amerindian population is vulnerable to the negative effects brought by gold mining. The issues facing indigenous groups of Guyana are related to lack of empowerment, their marginal status within the overall society and the affect this has on their self-determination as indigenous people. This marginalization of Amerindians put them at a disadvantage when negotiating land titles. Amerindians also fear the increased rates of prostitution, drug use, and murder that go with the gold-mining operations in their territory. Indigenous women are susceptible to rape and abuse at the hands of non-indigenous miners and may become trapped in prostitution as a means to support themselves. The rate of STDs and AIDs is high among mining workers and many of the Amerindians come to the mining camps because of their poor living conditions and lack of jobs.

The loss of land from mining is devastating to Amerindian communities because they primarily support themselves through farming and basically living off the land. Though 75 percent of the country is still covered in forest, the boom in world-wide gold prices over the past five years has attracted both foreign investors and artisanal mining groups. The amount of gold produced in Guyana jumped 23 percent between 2009 and 2011 and is expected to continue to grow. (Purdy 2013)The loss of land is devastating to communities that primarily support themselves through subsistence farming, and the pollution from the mining operations contaminates water sources, harming humans, vegetation, and animals. Mercury is a contaminant that can cause blindness, speech impairment, cardiovascular disease, memory loss, and fatigue and is especially dangerous to pregnant women and young children, is commonly used in gold mining with the drilling machines. Guyana’s waterways have been become polluted from hazardous waste and have contaminated the Amerindians water source from drinking water, bathing water, and the mining has turned some of the rivers and streams into sewage leaks. “Brazilian Garimpeiros have developed a reputation in Guyana’s interior region for rapacious mining practices that ignore even the most basic environmental regulations.” (Roopnarine 2002 pg. 86) Pollution is also a major problem for the aquatic life that the Amerindians live off of. Fishing is one of the main sources of living for the Amerindians. The World Wildlife Fund and the Canadian Development agency have been active testing the waterways for mercury and come to the conclusion that the fish samples have tested for way beyond the safe limit. Guyana has sought permission to be exempted from the UN’s newly drafted Minimata Convention on Mercury Despite undeniable evidence that mercury contamination is devastating to miners, jewelers, and inhabitants of the land near gold-mining operations, Guyana argued that such a ban would damage their growing economy. In July, Guyana banned gold-mining directly from rivers in an attempt to address growing complaints of contaminated drinking water.

The Wapichan village of Shulinab currently holds 2.8 million hectra of ancestrial territory but only 15% of that land holds land titles. (Fredericks 2016) Much of the land that is untitled is vulnerable to Mining. Discussions between the Wapichan village and the Ministry of Indigenous Peoples Affairs will begin in May 2016. Many NGOs including Oxfam, rights and resource Initiative, and Forest Peoples Programme have put together a collective assemble with the Wapichan village. The project called the Global Call to Action on Indigenous peoples that aims to effectively and fairly acquire land titles for the Wapichan tribe. The The Wapichan village’s goal is make the largest community forest sizing over 1.4 million acres of land is that helps with the conservation efforts. “The Global Call to Action on Indigenous and Community Land Rights is a growing alliance among communities, indigenous peoples, local civil society organizations and international NGOs to call for action and close the gap between the 10 percent of land currently under the control of indigenous peoples and local communities and the 50 percent that is estimated as their customary right. The alliance is calling on governments, intergovernmental bodies and international agencies to take actions to double the global area of land legally recognized as owned or controlled by indigenous peoples and local communities by 2020” (Fredericks 2016)

Roopnarine, Lomarsh. 2002. “Wounding Guyana: Gold Mining and Environmental Degradation”. Revista Europea De Estudios Latinoamericanos Y Del Caribe / European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies

"Indigenous Peoples - Minority Rights." Minority Rights. World Directory of Minorities and Indigenous Peoples. Web. 23 Apr. 2016. http://minorityrights.org/minorities/indigenous-peoples-3/

Vereecke, Jorg. "National Report on Indigenous Peoples and Development." The Indigenous People of Guyana : Indicators and Profile. United Nations Development Programme. Web. 23 Apr. 2016. http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/41/318.html

Fredericks, Nicholas. "Press Release: Wapichan People in Guyana Join Global Call to Action on Indigenous and Community Land Rights to Boost Efforts to Secure Their Lands." Forest Peoples Programme. 7 Mar. 2016. Web. 23 Apr. 2016. <http://www.forestpeoples.org/topics/territorial-management-planning/news/2016/03/press-release-wapichan-people-guyana-join-global>.

Bulkan, Janette. "The Struggle For Recognition Of The Indigenous Voice: Amerindians In Guyanese Politics." Round Table 102.4 (2013): 367. MasterFILE Premier. Web. 24 Apr. 2016.

Purdy, Britnae. "Amerindians of Guyana Don’t Have Right to Gold on Their Land." First Peoples Worldwide. 07 Feb. 2013. Web. 24 Apr. 2016. <http://firstpeoples.org/wp/amerindians-of-guyana-dont-have-right-to-gold-on-their-land-says-high-court/>.

FTZs and EPZs in Nicaragua

            Neoliberalism, or extreme free market policies, has become the economic strategy for an increasing amount of countries in a globalizing world. Free trade zones (FTZs) and export processing zones (EPZs), which are often established in developing countries, embody neoliberalism to its fullest extent. In such areas, trade barriers such as tariffs, union activity, and minimum wages are usually removed. In doing so, countries create a good investment climate and attract foreign investment as well as jobs for factories established in the zones. This creates an interesting paradox of economics and the exploitation of people, as such jobs rarely pay living wages and often circumvents workers’ rights.

            Nicaragua is among many other countries that have embraced FTZs as a means of economic development, though they have not always held such policies. Like many other countries in the region, Nicaragua used to practice protectionism (McCallum, 2011), which focused on protecting domestic markets and manufacturers. However, in the 1970s, “fledgling free trade zones” arose (McCallum, 2011), which propelled the country to modern neoliberalism. Despite this, Nicaragua remains the poorest country in Central America and the second poorest in the Western Hemisphere (U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, 2016). Additionally, it boasts the lowest minimum wage in Central America (“Nicaragua”), leaving Nicaraguan workers especially vulnerable to exploitative multinational corporations.

(GDP - Per Capita, 2016)

            In an attempt to bolster regional economics, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras began negotiations in 2003 with the United States for the Central American Free Trade Agreement, known as CAFTA ("Policy Analysis”, 2009). CAFTA mirrors the widely known NAFTA in that it removes tariffs and allows FTZs in the participating countries ("Policy Analysis”, 2009). Unlike previous trade agreements, CAFTA is not required to abide to international labor standards (“Debating the Central American Free Trade Act”). Instead, multinational corporations are responsible only for adhering to the labor laws of the country they are operating in, allowing them to take full advantage of Nicaragua’s horridly low minimum wage (“Debating the Central American Free Trade Act”). This does, however, attract many multinational corporations, which explains how since CAFTA’s passage, Nicaragua’s gross domestic product has exponentially increased, illustrated in the graph (GDP - Per Capita, 2016). In addition to an increase in GDP, exports to the United States have increased by approximately 70% (Embassy of the United States). Furthermore, duty free imports facilitate an increase in diversity of goods for consumption. However, duty free imports also open the market to competitors (Wahlberg, 2004), which can flood the market and cripple local producers. Intuitively, poverty has declined since the passage of CAFTA, though some evidence shows that it may be due to displacement of the poor rather than a change in economic mobility (Ravnborg and Gómez, 2015). As one might imagine, CAFTA has been quite controversial in Nicaragua. First, negotiations for the agreement were done behind closed doors (Wahlberg, 2004), which fostered skepticism from the beginning. Some see it as an American attempt to gain a foothold in the region, shown in the political cartoon in which Uncle Sam declares 

(Bilaterals, 2012)

“No, not in separate plates!” (Bilaterals, 2012). Numerous nongovernmental organizations were involved from the beginning, such as the labor union “CST,” (Wahlberg, 2004) seen below celebrating international workers day.

(Trucchi, 2015)

The National Federation of Agrarian and Agro industrial Cooperatives, known as FENACOOP, combined with CST to form “Iniciativa CID,” an initiative which sought to engage in the negotiation process and “develop broad-based grassroots proposals on CAFTA” (Wahlberg, 2004). On January 12, 2003 many environmentalists and unionists gathered outside the National Assembly in Nicaragua to protest CAFTA and call for public participation (Hansen-Kuhn, 2004). In response to such protests, the government invited the Nicaraguan Civil Society to voice their opinion on CAFTA. The Nicaraguan Civil Society did just that in a statement against CAFTA, citing grievances such as a loss of sovereignty, violation of the Constitution, destruction of the environment, and skepticism regarding the privatization of public goods (Nicaraguan Civil Society, 2004). At the same time, farmers groups such as the Federation of Central American Agricultural Producers were desperately lobbying for separate negotiations pertaining to agriculture (Ricker, 2004). Both of these pleas were disregarded and negotiations continued until passage as if there were no opposition. Today, unionization is low; some employers fire workers for joining unions or speaking to union leaders (“Nicaragua”). In spite of this, unions remain a relevant actor in the controversy. For example, “workers at all seven banana plantations in Nicaragua’s Chinangeda region… are now covered by collective bargaining agreements with FETDECH and the Association of Rural Workers” (“Nicaragua”). On May 10, 2007 over one hundred employees for the Nicaraguan Water Company initiated a strike demanding overtime pay (U.S. Department of State, 2008). In retaliation, however, the government responded by declaring the strike illegal (U.S. Department of State, 2008), once again highlighting the conflicting views held by nongovernmental organizations and the government regarding economic policy.

More recently, the government has been coordinating the construction of a 172-mile Nicaraguan “Interoceanic Grand Canal” (Serrano, 2015) with Chinese billionaire Wang Jin (Gracie, 2015). The canal has been pegged as “the largest engineering endeavor in history” (Serrano, 2015) and will most certainly provide many jobs for Nicaraguans. Wang Jin, a telecom tycoon, is coordinating the development through his company “HKND” (Gracie, 2015). President Ortega of Nicaragua sees the canal as necessary for economic growth, as it will provide jobs and hopefully establish Nicaragua as a regional powerhouse (Gracie, 2015), even going so far as to personally invite Jin to Nicaragua. In addition to the canal, “the 50-year concession allows HKND to build… free trade zones,” (Serrano, 2015). This has been overwhelmingly negatively received. Some see it as a new era of colonialism, arguing that the Chinese are attempting to push into the United States’ backyard (Serrano, 2015). Members of the FSLN, Ortega’s political party, think that he is dismantling the Sandinista revolution, to which he somewhat dismissively responded: “the Chinese have not arrived in Nicaragua with occupying troops” (Serrano, 2015). Among such lines. “Mónica López Baltodano, an environmental lawyer and the head of Fundación Popol Na, a Nicaraguan nongovernmental organization, told local media in December” that they’re “going to have to initiate a struggle for national liberation, much like Sandino” (Serrano, 2015). This, once again, reflects the stark contrast of government and nongovernmental organizations, which could possibly escalate to conflict. Baltodano, along with other canal opponents reportedly “filed a constitutional complaint with the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, based in Washington, D.C.” on the grounds that it wasn’t “approved by all the municipalities affected and all representatives on indigenous lands” (Serrano, 2015). In further display of opposition, in December of 2014, protesters gathered and blocked main passage ways to Managua, Nicaragua’s capital (Serrano, 2015). Controversy was fueled when the government held some protesters as detainees for several days. Human rights groups in the area brought attention to their detention and dubbed it a “kidnapping,” blaming President Ortega for the repression (Serrano, 2015).

With statistically proven economic growth, one might argue that free trade zones and export processing zones, especially as a result of CAFTA and potentially in the wake of the Nicaraguan Canal, are positive caveats of Nicaraguan society. However, overwhelming protest throughout Nicaragua’s civil society brings such policies to question. Indeed, there are economic benefits, yet paradoxically these benefits perpetuate an exploitation of Nicaragua’s poorest people. When one considers the fact that Nicaragua remains among the poorest in the hemisphere, an alternative path seems favorable.

References

Bilaterals. 2012. Retrieved on April 24, 2016 from (http://www.bilaterals.org/?-US-DR-CAFTA-).

“Debating the Central American Free Trade Act” Retrieved on April 24, 2016 from (http://www.pbs.org/now/politics/caftadebate.html).

Embassy of the United States. “United States – Central America – Dominican Republic Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA-DR)” Retrieved on April 24, 2016 from (http://nicaragua.usembassy.gov/econ_cafta.html).

GDP - Per Capita. 2016. Retrieved on April 24, 2016 from (https://healthtopic.wikispaces.com/Nicaragua).

Gracie, Carrie. 2015. “Wang Jing: The Man behind the Nicaragua Canal Project” BBC. Retrieved on April 24, 2016 from (http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-31936549).

Hansen-Kuhn, Karen. 2004. “Central Americans Demonstrate against CAFTA” Alliance for Responsible Trade. Retrieved on April 24, 2016 from (http://www.citizenstrade.org/ctc/wp-content/uploads/2011/05/art_cademonstrates_april2004.pdf).

McCallum, Jamie. 2011. “Export Processing Zones: Comparative Data from China, Honduras, Nicaragua and South Africa” [Electronic Version] International Labor Organization. Retrieved on April 24, 2016 from (http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---ed_dialogue/---dialogue/documents/publication/wcms_158364.pdf).

“Nicaragua” Solidarity Center. Retrieved on April 24, 2016 from (http://www.solidaritycenter.org/where-we-work/americas/nicaragua/).

Nicaraguan Civil Society. 2004. “Nicaraguan Civil Society Statement Against CAFTA” Retrieved on April 24, 2016 from (http://www.citizenstrade.org/ctc/wp-content/uploads/2011/05/nica_civilsocietystatement_06022004.pdf).

"Policy Analysis: CAFTA Weakens Nicaragua's Immune System" 2009. Witness for Peace. Retrieved on April 24, 2016 from (http://www.witnessforpeace.org/article.php?id=739).

Ravnborg, Helle Munk, and Ligia Ivette Gómez. 2015. "Poverty Reduction Through Dispossession: The Milk Boom and the Return of the Elite in Santo Tomás, Nicaragua." World Development Vol #73. Retrieved on April 24, 2016 from (http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0305750X14002502).

Ricker, Tom. 2004. "Competition or Massacre? Central American Farmers' Dismal Prospects under CAFTA." Multinational Monitor Volume #25. Retrieved on April 24, 2016 from (http://nuncio.cofc.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=edsgao&AN=edsgcl.118278882&site=eds-live&scope=site).

Serrano, Alfonso. 2015. “Titanic Canal Project Divides Nicaragua” Al Jazeera America. Retrieved on April 24, 2016 from (http://projects.aljazeera.com/2015/04/nicaragua-canal/).

Trucchi, Giorgio. 2015. Nicaragua Celebrates May 1. Retrieved on April 24, 2016 from (http://www.hondurastierralibre.com/2015/05/fotos-nicaragua-celebra-el-1-de-mayo.html).

U.S. Central Intelligence Agency. March 2016. "The World Factbook" Retrieved on April 24, 2016 from (https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/nu.html).

U.S. Department of State. 2008. “Nicaragua” Retrieved on April 24, 2016 from (http://go.usa.gov/3pGdR).

Wahlberg, Katarina. 2004. “CAFTA from a Nicaraguan Perspective” Global Policy Forum. Retrieved on April 24, 2016 from (https://www.globalpolicy.org/component/content/article/220/47242.html).

Cuba's Changing Housing Means Decentralization for its People

Cuba became a socialist country in 1959, under the power of Fidel Castro. When Castro came into power, he brought with him three principle views towards housing that he was looking to implement: Housing would be a right, not a commodity, the housing would be equitable, and the government would be the primary decision maker in all aspects of housing (Housing Policy in Castro’s Cuba, 4). To enact these three principles, Castro created the Urban Reform Law in 1960. This law ceased multiple ownership of homes, gave renters the opportunity to buy dwellings at lower costs, made the state responsible for providing housing for its people, and also made it illegal to buy or sell homes privately, as land speculation was against Castro’s socialist principles and ideals (Housing in Castro’s Cuba, 5). Along with this law though, were many cons. For example, all units that were built and distributed by the government before 1961, were then assigned leases at no more than 10% of household income after 5-20 years of payment, which was seen as very unfair. Landlords of slum areas were given no compensation from the government. The law prohibited the private renting and selling of land, and made it against the law for a household to own more than one primary residence and one vacation home (Housing in Castro’s Cuba, 5). The Urban Reform Law virtually took all freedom away from the people, and housing dependency was placed completely in the hands of the government, making decision-making and responsibilities for housing very centralized. 

Between 1963 to 1975, the government started attempting progress in their housing ideals, and began shantytown demolitions to make room for new housing. The began hitting a wall though, when they started having trouble obtaining supplies for construction, so residents took it upon themselves to create self-help and Mutual Aid Programs, to help advance replacement housing. Due to a rising demand for housing in the urban areas, as well as labor shortages in construction and decreasing workplace productivity, microbrigades were also formed. These microbrigades were groups of employees from given workplaces that formed brigades in order to assist in housing construction, while the other employees agreed to maintain production at the workplaces at their current levels. Housing units were assigned to the employees from that workplace (Housing in Castro’s Cuba, 12). This led to an increase in housing supplies and housing construction. But, in 1975, microbrigades began declining, as the workers were not professional builders, and lacked in efficiency and timely productivity (Housing in Castro’s Cuba, 6). 

The 1984 Housing Law started hosting more changes and flexibility, as it converted more leaseholders of government owned buildings into homeowners. With it came slightly more relaxed terms, such as the ability to possess short-term, private rentals, swifter repairs and evictions, less rigidity towards the buying and selling of land, as well as more specific guidelines for what was expected of the people. Before the 1984 Housing Law took place, foreigners had been the only people allowed to rent units. These foreigners that were investing in these housing units were of little assistance to the government because housing policies were very vague and undergoing constant change, making them very hard to abide by. Also, because the government controlled access to the housing market, only large projects captivated their interest, leading them to lose a lot of potential investing and capital. Before the 1984 Housing Law, the housing market had very limited financing options available to residents. Housing distribution was also seen as very unfair by the people, because rents were income-based, and houses were assigned (Housing in Castro’s Cuba, 17). This meant that you could have a poor person paying less money for housing in better condition, while having a wealthier person paying more for a house in worse condition. But after the 1984 Housing Law, a few changes were made towards these pre-Housing Law concerns. The Housing Law established a new home financing system that was based on the value of units, such as their location and their land value, instead of being based off of income, as they originally had been. The government was also willing to provide loans for building and repairs as well. Lastly, it required that most housing sales be done through the state directly, with the exception of property transfers, which allowed Cubans to exchange their houses instead of sell them (Housing in Castro’s Cuba, 17). 

As time went on, between 1986 and 1990, the demand for government housing only increased, while construction on housing projects only grew less efficient. Due to this imbalance in supply and demand, microbrigades were refreshed, as the current construction workers were failing to improve the housing and the number of volunteers was weakening. The people began taking matters into their own hands as best as they could, furthering the decentralization of power that had originally been in the hands of the government starting in 1959. The Social Brigades of 1987 were one example of this, as people began volunteering from local communities instead of just workplaces, as in the microbrigades. The Social Brigades lent a lot of their focus on housing in inner city neighborhoods. Their was also the development of community-based organizations, such as Comprehensive Workshops for Neighborhood change. The organizations were funded by donations made through tourist ventures. Their objectives were the improvement of housing, the development of the local economies, and furthering the education of the community’s youth  (Housing in Castro’s Cuba, 13).

Scale map predicting impact of developments

The shortages in housing also led the government to take greater action in the subject of urbanization. Internal migration had increased greatly over the years, and was one of the reasons contributing to the lack of housing, so the government began setting up new developments in rural areas to keep people there. Agricultural towns were set up for workers employed in associated state farms. There was also housing developments created in sugar mill towns for sugar workers, and also newly developed communities that were associated with specific agricultural cooperatives (Housing in Castro’s Cuba, 21-22). 

Between 1990 and now though, a New System and several changes have been executed. In 1997, a new law was created that began placing restrictions on urban migration and also required legal approval to live in the urban areas, steadying the number of migrants that took up urban space. Cuba also developed a New System. This brought about several innovations to the standard of obtaining housing. For example, instead of the Cuban people being forced to go through local housing officials in order to buy and sell their land, they could now just complete their paperwork with a lawyer present, making it much more convenient (Housing in Castro’s Cuba, 19). Before the New System, people were allowed to exchange their homes, but an obstacle was that they could only exchange their home with another home of equal value, no more or less. Now people could trade homes and settle with paying the value difference (Housing in Castro’s Cuba, 20). Also, Cubans who decided to emigrate could transfer the the selling of their homes to the government before leaving the country, whereas before, it was their responsibility to get it settled and taken care of before they could leave (Housing in Castro’s Cuba, 20). Habitat Cuba was also brought up in 1993, which attempted to solve housing issues by creating demonstration housing projects, trained architects and engineers in promoting the involvement of citizens in the ongoing housing issue, and created local factories to assist in the production of building materials. Habitat Cuba also created the Community Architect Program, that supplied assistance to people that needed help building their own homes (Community Architect Program, paragraph 5). 

Although these changes allowed for much more lee-way for the people, there were also a few issues and concerns. People were now worried about an increase in prices of the homes, and although loans were still being given by the government, they had to be given out at the government’s convenience, based on the improvement of  Cuba’s economic and financial conditions. The people were also concerned that new mortgages on the properties would lead to a spike in foreclosures, and that households would be forced to downsize when they had not originally planned to do so. A hike in tax assessments could also cause people to leave due to the inability to pay for it, and lead to the homelessness and shantytowns that the government had originally tired to get rid of. People are concerned as well, that homeowners could possibly find an appealing price offer, and in-turn sell the house without warning the other household members, leaving them shocked and homeless (Cuba Opens to Private Housing, 74). One of the ways the government has tried to combat this, is through the development of of a few laws and decrees. One of these is the Council of State Decree Law 322/2014, which became effective on January 5, 2015. This law transferred the duties of the National Housing Institute to the Urban Planning Institute, which included the assignment of state lands to people who had requested it, as well as ensuring that dwellings were in good condition and appropriate for living (Cuba Relaxes Some Housing Regulations). 

Today, housing conditions are still in a poor state, as budgets just can’t seem to find a clear and adjusted balance between spending money on housing, and then spending money on everything else that a society needs, such as parks and recreations and the care and maintenance of stores and the housing itself (Socialist Vision). As the government continues to supply more power to the people themselves, and extend the decentralization, as of now, housing still remains underdeveloped.

Bibliography

Miroff, Nick. "A Socialist Vision Fades in Cuba's Biggest Housing Project." Washington Post. The Washington Post, 29 Dec. 2015. Web. 24 Apr. 2016. <http:// www.washingtonpost.com/sf/world/2015/12/29/a-socialist-vision-fades-in-cubas-biggest- housing-project/>.

Hamberg, Jill. "Cuba Opens to Private Housing but Preserves Housing Rights." Race, Poverty, and the Environment. Vol. 19. 2012: Reimagine!, n.d. 71-74. Print.

Valladares, Arturo. "The Community Architect Program: Implementing Participation-in-Design To Improve Housing Conditions in Cuba." Habitat International 38 (2013): 18-24. Science Direct. Web. 24 Apr. 2016. <http://ejournals.ebsco.com/Direct.asp? AccessToken=23S1A9L8SLB3YSB3AS2MLLF9ZZBL893292&Show=Object>.

Kapur, Teddy, and Alastair Smith. "Housing Policy in Castro's Cuba." (2002): 4-31. Web. <http:// www.housingfinance.org/uploads/Publicationsmanager/ Caribbean_Cuba_HousinginCastrosCuba.pdf>.

Fuerte, Cafe. "Cuba Relaxes Some Housing Regulations." Havana Times.org. N.p., 9 Sept. 2014. Web. 24 Apr. 2016. <http://www.havanatimes.org/?p=106049>.