Domestic Violence in Guyana

Map of Guyana

Situated on the northern coast of South America sits Guyana, a country whose society faces a strong presence of gender discrimination and inequity especially towards women.  Interestingly, women constitute over half of Guyana’s population and that reason alone is what makes the issue of gender inequity so important.

Perhaps one plausible reason why there is such a widespread acceptance of gender inequity in Guyana has something to do with its history.  Guyana was under British control until 1966.  Even though Guyana had gained its independence, the country was scarred by a gender ideology that the British had left behind. This ideology defined men as superior breadwinners and women as submissive sexual beings and housewives (Das 2000).  So, it is the attitude implemented by Guyana’s colonial leaders that has lead to an overall tolerance to feminine inferiority. 

In almost every situation, an imbalance of power can be detrimental to the well-being of those being affected.  In Guyanese culture, the superiority of men has become the root of what could be one of the hottest topics in Guyana—Domestic violence.  This issue is becoming more and more prevalent and women are experiencing it on a daily basis whether it be through physical, verbal, or sexual assaults.  However, one Guyanese newspaper article offers in detail accounts of how domestic violence can quickly take a turn for the worst as women have been brutally murdered as a result of a lack of female autonomy. To continue reading click here stabroeknews.com

That same newspaper article describes domestic violence as a “ power play among persons in a relationship” where “the root of domestic violence is perceived inequality and subordination of women which extends beyond the individual to the wider society” (stabroeknews.com).  This really revalidates the point that Guyanese culture is marked by a preconceived notion that women are the less powerful part of a relationship and because so many people have accepted that, society as a whole sees it as a social norm.  The issue with this, however, is that society has formed a tolerance to abuse.  Law enforcement officials fail to pursue the incrimination of abusers and society actually sees no wrongfulness in domestic violence.  

One survey has been polling thousands of Guyanese citizens for years and it has concluded that there is an overall general acceptance of domestic violence.  In fact, 10.2% approved of it, 25.4% did not approve, but understood why it would be used as correctional behavior against women and children, and 64.4% had no opinion either way (kaieteurnewsonline.com).  As compared to other countries in the America’s, Guyana ranked third for acceptance of domestic violence.  The coordinator of the Guyana Help and Center, Margaret Kertzious spoke out about these striking results.  She deemed the Guyanese society as abusive where people were seen fighting on the streets.  Even further, domestic violence is becoming inherent to households and how children are being raised because it is so common for them to watch their parents interact in a violent way or experience it for themselves. Through these startling statistics, it is obvious that Guyana, in a sense, supports brutality in their society, but I think there is something much deeper.  There must be some sort of disconnect in society where people think violence is the way to exert power and control over others or maybe just a widespread ignorance in which women are not offered any alternatives to being beaten. 

One survey, done by an advocacy group called Red Thread offers evidence to that claim.  Apparently, in a survey conducted with three hundred fifty Guyanese women, more than 65% had no knowledge of the Domestic Violence Act but 41.9% experienced physical violence, 32.2 experienced verbal abuse, and 12.2% experienced sexual abuse in previous relationships.  Again, this goes to show that domestic violence is a common practice, but women are not supported or educated enough to know that they are protected by the Domestic Violence Act 1996 (hands.org.gy).  The act was designed to protect any person suffering from domestic abuse including physical, mental, verbal, or sexual assaults (hands.org.gy).

Though women everywhere seem to be experiencing the harsh hand of domestic violence, most women agreed in the above survey that domestic violence is worse in certain communities in Guyana.  In fact, more than 40% agree that women are treated worse in poor urban areas and Afro-Guyanese communities.  In addition, over 60% of women in these communities agreed that they felt the need to take precautions against being raped, followed, or assaulted (hands.org.gy).  In conclusion, women in every part of Guyana experience discrimination but the poor and Afro-Guyanese are even worse off.

President Granger at
the Conference, 2015

Though women continue to face many challenges, there are some positive attributes up and coming in Guyana.  The government is becoming more active in gender equality and that is evident through the first National Conference on Gender and Development Policy, which took place in 2015.  During that conference, the president of Guyana, David Granger asserted that the government will be focusing on brining Guyana true gender equality, which is necessary to “create opportunities, promote empowerment, and provide protection for women” (guyanachronicle.com).  His administration has also claimed to make efforts on reducing poverty rates and offering more educational opportunities for women.  This would prove useful in the fight against domestic violence in Guyana because if women are educated on ways to protect themselves and the laws and services in place, they would have other alternatives to dealing with violence other than just accepting it.  In addition, decreasing the poverty rate for women would allow them to be financially independent and not need to focus on being with an abusive man in order to be fiscally stable.  The government has been promoting change and suggesting legislature to combat inequity, but nothing has actually been implemented. 

Karen de Souza, Founder
of Red Thread

On an even more positive note, many NGO advocacy groups have formed in order to continue the fight against violence and discrimination against women.  One of the most influential groups is Red Thread, which was created by seven strong women in 1986 in order to fight for rights.  They have conducted many surveys to fully understand the implications of domestic violence all throughout Guyana.  They also believe that one of the best ways to end discrimination is through education for children, men, and women alike.  To view an interview with a Red Thread about education click here: Red Thread Interview.  Red Thread educates women through their many positive outreach programs like a drop-in/outreach center where women come to talk about exploitations they endure.  Red Thread also plans to continue lobbying for domestic violence and sexual offenses legislation (carribbean-beat.com).  

Another up and coming support group is Merundoi Inc. a radio station talk show which seeks to educate the public on accurate information, encouraging healthier behavior, offering a supportive environment to fight discrimination, and apply information and make better decisions.  The corporation has created a Street Theatre Outreach Program in which people can come to talk in a safe and supportive environment (merundoi.org.gy). 

Merundoi Inc. Logo

In conclusion, Guyana is indeed marked by a gender ideology put in place by the British years ago.  Men truly do hold the power in Guyanese culture while women suffer from abuse.  The Guyanese society as a whole has accepted domestic violence as a common practice and violence in general has proven to be very prevalent in Guyanese communities.  While the government is making efforts to better the situation for women through legislature and programs, they actually need to be implemented to be successful.  What has been successful, however, are the local NGO’s that have dedicated themselves to advocating for women.

Works Cited

Das, Maitreyi. “Women's Autonomy and Politics of Gender in Guyana”. Economic and Political Weekly 35.23 (2000):               1944–1948. Web.

Lisa Allen-Agostini. "Karen De Souza and (Red) Threads That Bind - Caribbean Beat Magazine." Caribbean Beat                     Magazine. N.p., 2014. Web. 23 Apr. 2016.

"President Calls for Comprehensive Approach to Gender Equality." Guyana Chronicle. N.p., 2015. Web. 23 Apr. 2016.

"Domestic Violence Act 1996." Help And Shelter. N.p., n.d. Web. 23 Apr. 2016.

KNews. "Survey Shows Guyanese Generally Accept Domestic Violence." Kaieteur News Online. N.p., 9 Mar. 2015. Web.         23 Apr. 2016.

"Services - Merundoi Incorporated." Merundoi Incorporated. N.p., n.d. Web. 23 Apr. 2016.

"Waging War on Women: Domestic Violence in Guyana - Stabroek News." Stabroek News. N.p., 2009.    Web. 23 Apr.             2016.

"Women Researching Women." Women Researching Women. N.p., n.d. Web. 23 Apr. 2016.

A Promising Future: The Rise of LGBT+ Representation in Venezuela

       As a country in South America that is also washed by the Caribbean, Venezuela’s geographic location on the northern coast of Latin America symbolizes its cultural uniquely and diverse historical background. Venezuela’s history shares commonality with other Latin American and Caribbean countries because of how its past has been strongly influenced by European colonization and oppression, which has had lasting effects on the nation’s culture. As a nation that has become a democracy since the fall of dictator Pérez Jiminez in 1958, the societal issues facing the country are modern and similar to those faced in other developed nations around the globe (Wagner, 2005). Some of these issues most prevalent in Venezuela include gender equity, environmental protection, employment opportunity, economic inflation and worker’s rights (Pew Research Center, 2013). However pressing other issues may be, a topic at hand in Venezuela that has reached its peak in recent months is the subject of LGBT+ rights. 

        Both the freedoms and restrictions that LGBT+ individuals have in Venezuela are reminiscent of its colonial past and the regulations put in place by colonizers from Spain. This Spanish policy was implemented in Latin American and Caribbean territories, including Venezuela during the times of colonization, beginning in 1521. During this time, one law in particular called the "Vagrants and Thugs' law”, or Ley de vagos y maleantes, was put in place to ensure the prevention of homosexual acts. This law was not as implemented in the Spanish colonies in Latin America as it was in its place of origin in the Iberian Peninsula, and was mostly meant to target male perpetrators whose homosexual behavior was seen as vulgar and unacceptable. If caught, homosexual persons were subjected to isolation, removal from society and restricted from interaction with others. In addition to the fact that Ley de vagus y maleantes was not as enforced in Spain’s American colonies, homosexuality in Venezuela has not been illegal since the country’s independence in 1811 (Equadex, 2013). 

                                

Today, research indicates that regardless of the country’s past historical apprehension about LGBT+ rights, 51% of Venezuelans say that society should accept homosexuality. This ranks the country at number 17 out of 39 countries, with a range of 1 being the country whose population is most supportive. Curiously, the country ranked number one is Spain, which given the previous information about homosexual discrimination enforced beginning during the colonial period is intriguing (Pew Research Center, 2013). The nearly even split among the Venezuelan population concerning this support for LGBT+ acceptance is representative of the policies currently enacted, which both promote and restrict LGBT+ rights. There are numerous examples of this, including the restriction of homosexual males from donating blood. Other policy counteracts this, like the right of openly homosexual persons to serve in the military since 1999, whereas in the United States, LGBT persons had been previously restricted from serving openly in the military, a policy called “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” which was only recently repealed in 2011 (Cronk). These two similar policies in different countries highlight the extent to which Venezuela has been progressive about some law and policy concerning the protection of LGBT+ citizens and their rights. This is also exemplified by former Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez’s opinion recorded in an interview on the legalization of gay marriage in the country, for which he stated that he didn't think Venezuela was ready for it (Blabbeando, 2009).
In addition to the protection of individuals whose sexuality or gender identity is deemed “alternative” to society, representation of the LGBT+ community in Venezuelan government has gained traction because of the recent election of a transgender woman into public office. Tamara Adrián, a former board member for ILGA (The International Lesbian, Bisexual, Gay, Transgender and Intersex Association) has also worked for years as an activist for the LGBT+ community in Venezuela, and won an election to the National Assembly of Venezuela in December 2015. She is the first transgender woman in Venezuela to be elected to public office, and the second in Latin America to do so after Michelle Suárez Bértora to the Senate of Uruguay in 2014. Although she was elected to the National Assembly in a landslide with her affiliated party, Volutad Popular, she had to run using her given male birth name because of laws in Venezuela that restrict transgender individuals from changing their names (Thomas, 2016). 

                                 

To understand why LGBT+ rights have become so prevalent and such a ripe issue for the country of Venezuela in recent years, we must examine their status as a developed Latin American country, which implies that the country’s status of industrialization has allowed it to focus on societal issues and bettering life for all Venezuelan citizens. For example, in 2011 Venezuelan General Prosecutor Luisa Ortega Diaz founded a new government department dedicated towards eradicating violence and mistreatment towards women. Upon creation, the department had selected more than 43 public prosecutors to work to represent women who have experienced everything from inequity in the workplace to domestic violence. These prosecutors will work to uphold Venezuela’s law titled “Law on the Rights of Women to a life free from Violence” that was passed in 2007 (Reardon, 2011). The connection between gender inequity and violence against women is one that is easily made, but this can also be connected to the unfortunate treatment of those who identify as an alternative gender, or as one different from birth. For example, Venezuela does not have any laws in place to secure safety or equity in the workplace for transgender people, however some laws do protect against this discrimination for  individuals of alternative sexual orientation, only in the workplace (Equaldex, 2013). When she was sworn in on January 5th of this year as the Alternate Deputy for Carcas, previously mentioned transgender politician and activist Tamara Adrian said that she would work to stop the eradication of previous LGBT+ legal protection by both former President Hugo Chávez and his successor, Nicolás Maduro. Adrian herself bridges the gap between sexual orientation and gender identity, as she identifies as a woman and as a lesbian. As mentioned before, it is illegal in Venezuela for transgender persons to formally change their names, so in addition to announcing her candidacy under her birth name, Adrián then married her female partner of 20 years under her original male name (Bates, 2015). Ironically, same sex marriage is still illegal in Venezuela (Equadex, 2013). Her plan to encourage LGBT+ acceptance in Venezuela also utilizes her position in the National Assembly and says that her “sole presence in the Parliament, it brings fresh air to an environment that was full of homophobia and transphobia…in the past, in this Assembly, people have been calling each other ‘mariconson,’ which is ‘faggot,’ basically. It’s unacceptable to say that in a Parliament. My presence will require tolerance and I will very strongly request that respect” (Bates, 2015). She has stated that her primary agenda is to fight for LGBT+ equality and work with others in the community to gather support for gender identity, anti-discrimination, and equal marriage laws. As of her election in December 2015, she has  already submitted “a draft of her gender identity law, a civil partnership law, a non-discrimination law, and a civil registry law to the government” (Bates, 2015). Adrian believes that these laws are vital to Venezuela for the provision of fundamental human rights. 

                                       

As a Latin American country that shares colonial heritage with its Caribbean neighbors, Venezuela has experienced many setbacks relating to the influence of Spanish colonization, particularly as it refers to LGBT+ rights. Although being extremely progressive in areas relating to these rights as well as gender protection, the nation still has a ways to go in terms of the protection of both gender identification and sexual orientation. These issues are recognized by newly appointed Deputy Tamara Adrián, who is the second Latin American transgender woman to be elected to public office. Adrián hopes that her leadership will encourage and advocate for the pass of anti-discrimination and same sex marriage legislation in the coming years. The LGBT+ movement in Venezuela has been marred by historical discrimination, but has an optimistic future. 

For more on Tamara Adrian, watch https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A6V_mTeCGgE







                                                                  Works Cited

1) Paletta, Daniele. "ILGA Congratulates Tamara Adrián for Her Election to the National Assembly in Venezuela." ILGA: International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association. N.p., 07 Dec. 2015. Web.
2) "Equadex: LGBT Rights in Venezuela." Equaldex. Pew Research Center, 4 June 2013. Web.
3) Wagner, Sarah. "Women and Venezuela's Bolivarian Revolution." Venezuela News, Views, and Analysis. N.p., 15 Jan. 2005. Web.
4) Reardon, Juan. "Venezuela Establishes National Offices for the Defense of Women." Venezuela News, Views, and Analysis. N.p., 16 Sept. 2011. Web.
5) Cuddington, Danielle. "Wide Ideological Divides on Most Major Issues as Venezuela’s Elections Near." Pew Research Centers Global Attitudes Project RSS. N.p., 02 Dec. 2015. Web.
6) Cronk, Terri Moon. "Officer Describes Life After Don't Ask Don't Tell." U.S. DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE. DoD News, Defense Media Activity, 8 June 2015. Web.
7) Blabbeando. "Hugo Chavez on Marriage between Same-sex Couples." YouTube. YouTube, 17 Nov. 2009. Web.
8) Bates, Daniel. "Meet Tamara Adrián, Venezuela’s Crusading Trans Politician." The Daily Beast. Newsweek/Daily Beast, 15 Dec. 2015. Web. 
9) Thomas, Ian. "Tamara Adrián – First Transgender Deputy to Be Elected into Office in Venezuela." Lesbian Gay Bisexual Trans History Month. Black Culture Archives, 11 Jan. 2016. Web.

10) Abeni, Cleis. "Meet the First Trans Legislator Elected to the Venezuelan National Assembly." Advocate: Gay News, LGBT Rights, Politics, Entertainment. N.p., 23 Jan. 2016. Web.

The Fight Against Domestic Violence

                                    The Fight Against Domestic Violence

Country Trinidad and Tobago is not unfamiliar to change. In fact, the incredibly diverse culture that exists within the two islands is what helped their society develop and adapt to new societal norms that accompanied the influx of African slaves, as well as the Indian, Portuguese and Chinese indentured. Not to mention, the early presence of Spanish colonialism and French influence heavily impacted Trinidad and Tobago’s start towards their first formal legal system.  However, at its foundation, Trinidad and Tobago was largely shaped by the movements of immigration due to the countries’ high demand for willing laborers to tend to their sugar, cotton and cocoa production. As a result, demographic ratios staggered drastically as one’s race, class and especially gender became an acceptable subject of discrimination.  Areas of inequality among men and women intensified and violence became the leading method of dominance throughout the city.  Was it the cities history that justified the perpetuated violence to the present day? Or could it be a learned behavior, one continuously taught through their everyday life? Regardless, their constant struggle for recognition of domestic violence leads us to examine their past and to also call into question whether or not it will continue in the future.

Domestic violence is defined as “…any act committed within the family by one of its members, which seriously impairs the life, body, psychological well-being or liberty of another family member” (Domestic Violence Unit).  What could come as a surprise to most are the many ways domestic abuse can be delivered. Obvious ones including physical, emotional and sexual abuse, but acts of financial and psychological abuse are just as prevalent. Domestic violence has a distinct pattern of disruption in Trinidad and Tobago.  It is important to understand that domestic violence “is a significant medical and social issue that has considerable impact on the health and welfare of both adults and children” (West Indian Med).  To clarify, the West Indian Medical journal distinguished a link between domestic violence and the society. Stating that although the violence tends to be viewed as a family issue, to view it as a societal concern is more accurate. Just like gender, domestic violence is a social construction; it is learned, not genetic. The evidence supporting their claim comes from The World Health Organization’s definition of health, that states to be ‘healthy’ is the complete mental, physical and social well-being. This is not to say every man born or home to Trinidad and Tobago is destined to be an abuser.  However, certain factors definitely increase the likelihood of domestic abuse.  Dating back to before slavery was abolished, the indentured were commonly victims of sexual abuse from their owner. Imagine a young man arriving in a developing country and continuously witnesses the beating of a young female from her boss, sometimes in public.  That would only send one message, that beating females is condemned. Most often one’s social class also contributed to the abuse, showing that women living in more rural than urban communities were more likely to be targeted due to a possible lack of credibility in the future.  Why is harming a spouse such an attraction for citizens in Trinidad and Tobago? Why is it that they are one of the worlds leading nations for the annual number of female murders? 

After significant research about their history, I aim to dissect the web of domestic violence that has yet to be untangled.  

            The issue of domestic violence in Trinidad and Tobago became a problem long before it was recognized as one.  This can be attributed to many other events in T&T. How about their economy? In the mid nineteen seventies the country experienced an economic boom in oil, almost tripling their profits annually. However, a year shy of a decade later the government spiraled into a recession based on their heavy dependence to oil. By 1990, almost 20% of the population fell below the poverty line (Lazarus-Black 392).  Trinidadians were also feeling a loss of their identity, and at the time nationalist movements encouraged pride in their West Indian history (Lazarus-Black). It is possible that they associated their West Indian history with the violence they learned. A few articles explore the linkages between masculinity and violence against women; explaining how some men feel it is their duty to discipline the wife (Bissessar 13). Some evidence suggests that violence was often a symptom of competing patriarchies; specifically pertaining to the arrival and settlement of the indentured laborers, men felt it was their place to establish their place within the community, and of course was facilitated through violence. In popular culture, musical term Calypso is Trinidad’s famous musical outlet that also serves as an example of a learned/ socially accepted role. In this case men essentially starve for the female’s attention, and the woman is expected to be a ‘passive receiver’ and willingly subject themselves to victimization. It is interesting to me that the women seem obligated to constantly put their men on a pedestal, as if these men are so insecure they need to ‘role-play’ just to feel adequate (Dolly 62). In response to some of the men’s vulgar lyrics, women often wrote about their personal experiences involving violence or used the opportunity for some discrete comic relief in their life.  Click Here to Watch Ella Fitzgerald and Louis Jordan belt out "Stone Cold Dead in the Market" # 3  Another reason men deem appropriate for abuse is through the practice of their religion, particularly where such doctrine is patriarchal in expression (Dolly 62). So, if we are not able to erase the history of violence, how can we prevent it in the future? Mindie Lazarus Black expresses a similar thought, “If the violence and powerlessness experienced from colonialism, through slavery and indentured labor, are brought forward into today’s society in the battering of women, then how can we address these issues and hold offenders responsible and accountable (?)”(Lazarus-Black).  

            Some may wonder, if there is evidence of domestic violence dating back to before the abolition of slavery in 1930, then why is it still an area of concern among citizens?  Evidence suggests that typically the victims of abuse are often in a situation where reporting their abuser may do more harm than good.  The wife is most likely financially dependent to her spouse. She possibly has children to worry about, afraid they could be victims of abuse as well if she were to leave. Her skill level is probably minimal, so a job is out of the question. She is embarrassed to turn to her friends; scared they would judge her and her family. Maybe she could try the police, but if no charges are filed against the husband there is nothing for them to do. Every option she sees, the man always seems to win. In the off chance a case was accepted by the court, men would often talk of their action as a mistake or accident, stating the wife was acting ‘crazy’ or ‘irrational’ and would frequently be let go of any charges. “The implicit battle of power is weighted more heavily in the male’s favour and thus provides a societally acceptable context for battering” (Dolly 64). The constant struggle for a way out weighs heavier each day along with the same women who have been enduring violence in their own home for years. 

            Prior to 1991, incidents of domestic violence were mainly filed as criminal matters, specifically in regards to assault and battery. Yet the recording of these events were highly infrequent due to the police not taking it seriously, referring to these matters as “husband and wife business” (Lazarus-Black 23).  In other words, there were no existing outlets for one’s troubles at home. What happened at home, stayed at home. One key factor that sparked the movement against domestic violence was the charge women were taking with their education. Following the oil boom, people used their countries prosperity to further their education and economic opportunities. Women also became heavily involved in politics, eager to play their role. The government also took the initiative and invested in various social and economic services and increased their public sector tremendously.  By 1887, over 50% of the full-time undergraduates and almost 42% of postgraduate students at the University of the West Indies in Trinidad were women (Lazarus-Black 26). Women continued to gain support and recognition for their actions. In 1975 a group of housewives formed HATT, Housewives Association of Trinidad and Tobago that focused their attention on food prices and other consumer items within their community. Few years later, the concern for women and men’s equal pay was revisited, calling for not only equal pay and work, but for the legalization of abortion and an end to violence.  It began similar to a domino effect. People had to see others working for equality until they felt the courage to try it themselves. Organizations such as, the Coalition against Domestic Violence, the Rape Crisis Centre, Working Women, and CAFRA (Caribbean Association for Feminist Research Action hit the ground running in their efforts to eliminate domestic violence. They wrote to newspapers, lawyers, held workshops and even aired their perspectives on the television and radio (Merry 936). Surprisingly so, non-governmental organizations also played a part, as they were the main financial supporters towards these movements. They held hearings, attended private meetings to expose flaws in government reports, and more. They acted as the big brother, the behind the scenes contributor (Merry 936). 

Here is a list of some of the NGO’s.

By now, the act of eliminating domestic violence had gained global attention.  Characterized as “a bill for social justice and equal rights for men and women,” the Domestic Violence Act of 1991 was officially passed.

            As expected, opposition against the demand for equality began immediately. Opponents voiced their concerns, stating the bill criminalized what they called “husband and wife business”.  Even two years later the bill was still up for scrutiny as one prominent leader was quoted stating the act “ did not take into consideration the attitude of the Trinidadian male and his culture predisposition to property and women…”(Lazarus-Black 30). The audacity of one man, nonetheless one that worked in the government and still managed to discriminate even after it was deemed illegal.  The statute made the courts more readily available to victims of abuse. Mindie Lazarus Black talks about the ‘regendering’ of the state. As she puts it, it is the “disruptions of hegemony”. She discusses how law has historically been molded based on masculine forms and language (Lazarus Black 22).  These men have lived the majority of their life able to wiggle through the cracks of the law. Now that the cycle of hegemony is interrupted, they are scrambling to their feet wondering how it perpetuated right in front of them.  The next area of concern is if these laws truly carry some weight. In the past, many instances of delays and mistrials have

occurred within the court, only further discouraging victims to move forward.

Here is a chart of the recent conviction rates.

The time and money also needed to facilitate the workshops and education on domestic violence was also scarce.  Efforts made to combat dilemmas were implemented for that reason exactly. States voluntarily subject themselves to periodic reports asserting their compliance with women’s human rights, as well as allowing their surveillance and global monitoring. It is evident that violence is not going to disappear overnight, but it is also clear that efforts are being made to eliminate the problem in the future.

            The past hundred years of Trinidad and Tobago’s history is not common knowledge. On the map they are nothing but two little islands off the coast of Venezuela. For some, it could be the home their family migrated too a century ago, or for others it could be home to the life they were never able to escape. However, Trinidad and Tobago’s history is one that has been shaped by indentureship, slavery and imperialism. A country that was also forced into the mold of colonialism yet still set the first precedent for the English speaking Caribbean with its Domestic Violence Act. Although their past weighs heavily, recent evidence supports the claim that Trinidad and Tobago are trying to put a stop to the continued cycle of domestic violence.

Bibliography:

1.  1. Nagassar, R P, et al. "The Prevalence Of Domestic Violence Within Different Socio-Economic Classes In Central Trinidad." The West Indian Medical Journal 59.1 (2010): 20-25. MEDLINE with Full Text. Web. 22 Apr. 2016. <!--Additional Information: Persistent link to thisrecord(Permalink):http://nuncio.cofc.edu/loginurl=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=mnh&AN=20931908&site=eds-live&scope=site

2.    2.  Sukhu, Raquel L. M. "Masculinity And Men’S Violence Against Known Women In Trinidad—Whose Responsibility?." Men & Masculinities 16.1 (2013): 71. Publisher Provided Full Text Searching File. Web. 22 Apr. 2016. http://ejournals.ebsco.com.nuncio.cofc.edu/Direct.asp?AccessToken=46K9TYT8KC5LPPSTUCL111YS5SC68Y61Y1&Show=Object

3.    3.  Lazarus-Black, Mindie. "Law and the Pragmatics of Inclusion: Governing Domestic Violence in Trinidad and Tobago." American Ethnologist 2001: 388. JSTOR Journals. Web. 25 Apr. 2016.http://www.jstor.org.nuncio.cofc.edu/stable/3094974&seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents

4.     Howe, Darcus. "The Island Where Even Ministers Beat Up Their Wives." New Statesman 128.4464 (1999): 22. Literary Reference Center. Web. 22 Apr. 2016.

5.   5.   Domestic Violence Unit. Domestic violence: What you need to know. Port-of-Spain, Trinidad: Ministry of Culture and Gender Affairs, 2000.

6.    6. Stone Cold Dead In The Market- http://www.avclub.com/article/the-hits-keep-coming-30-songs-inspired-by-domestic-57741

7.    7.  Lazarus-Black, Mindie. Everyday Harm: Domestic Violence, Court Rites, and Cultures of Reconciliation. Urbana: U of Illinois, 2007. Print.

8. 8.    Bissessar, Ann Marie., and La Guerre John Gaffar. Trinidad and Tobago and Guyana: Race and Politics in Two Plural Societies. Maryland: Lexington, 2013. Print.

9.     9. Dolly, Jennifer Holder. "Responses to Domestic Violence in Trinidad and Tobago." Rev. of Domestic Violence in Trinidad and Tobago. Print.